Thegreat arch

                                                                劉榮樺

                                                               

        本書的重點在於將私有權的建立與轉換、國家組成的廣泛連結和社會關係的個人化,作者的目的在於文化地理解國家形式與理解以國家為調節的文化形式。社會理論長久以來一直承認在國家組成與現代資本主義興起有所關連。現代資本主義的發達也是與大規模的文化革命(這個革命是關於貨品是如何被生產與交換)有關的。國家組成扮演著協調機構規則在它的是什麼與它是如何運作的重要角色。作者堅持國家組成與文化革命是相同的,文化不能與國家組成的進行分離。按照慣例被定義圍家的機構與活動的戲目是文化形式,文化形式則是有特定向中產階級文明的集中性。政治的定義是從國家機構而來,所以政治與工業的區別成為英國文化的第二個本質。基本的社會分類,例如年齡與性別,在法律內銘記,嵌入機構制度內,藉由行政程序作為例行公事,在國家儀式內被象徵化。國家組成被視為是全體的投射,將人民視為是特定社群的成員,形成“幻覺的想像”。如同Foucault所觀察的,國家組成是平等地將人們以特定和明確的方式個人化。

        集體的呈現同時是具有描述性與道德性的,在這樣的方式下,我們被集體呈現為我們自己,並且對我們而言,被允許的參數和個人認同的形式定義和象徵化我們。作者並且澄清以下兩點:

        1)這本書所討論的是在England的英國國家組成。

        2)所描繪出來的國家組成在國去和現在都是普遍與它的設計不同。

       

        英國國家組成的特點有以下三點:

        1)英國比歐陸上的其他王國還要早統一;

        2)英國的中央國家能力是高度與當地的統治菁英所執行的控制力相關的,政治的民族是英國人民當中的極小部份;

        3)英國國家形式有特殊的調節性。

        Anglo-Saxon國家的中央能力的重要指標之一是它們的收稅能力。法律的力量是直接與語言的使用相關因為一些字的形式必須透過限定的語碼被使用,形成在好幾個世紀內的持續統治方式語文化抗爭的區域,並也是因為法令和案例法所文字予以法律上的定義。

        作者認為在中世紀末在England所建立機構制度的形式與政治傳統,成為在十六、十七世紀革命的資源。

        1530年代的革命,認為英國是一個選舉民族的觀念的種子以正式激勵地呈現出來。

        國家組成在1593年法律通過後,state formationwas itself shifting the basis of aristocratic power from manred to politicalinfluence and office。在這一段時間內,重新檢視早期由基督教的意識形態角色所做出的一些案例,這其中關鍵性的轉變是逐漸關心隨著人們的信仰所出現的和在宗教批許的民族國家。

        特定的國家組成(它的機構制度和它的想像)是實際道德關係的焦點和體現,並且藉由此點,資本主義在歷史上進行演變。作者透過國家形式的戲劇性、儀式性和表演性特點強調以下兩點:

        1)在提供集體呈現的的戲目中,特殊的道德秩序被製造出來,這個道德秩序是財產人們的凝聚力的物質構成,並且提供他人的接續的道德化的法則。

        2)戲劇風格是重要的公民哲學蘇格蘭道德哲學家的社會理論化的譬喻。

        在英國的暴君年代,國家組成與文化規則達到一個狂暴的境界。民主主義準確地在在複雜的時刻興起,當時的大社會承認社會並且要解組或者是重組後者,這標示著從政治的民族轉變為民族。文化革命是被以國家規則和規定所描繪出來,集中在緩慢、拖延和複雜的適應文化,這也牽涉到公民權的改革、政黨組成和官方的政治。文化革命不僅是精神事件,也不內被獨立於國家組成的物質性去考慮。

        文化意像的特定組成對於建構英國資本主義的文明是相當基本的,有以下幾種方式:

        1)它們被整合到英國統治階層本身。

        2)文化意像組提供英國帝國道德力量:如英國文化的連續強迫英格蘭本身的黑暗角落、Wales ScotlandIreland和最後的大英帝國本身接受這個道德力量;

        3)文化形式是關鍵的統治形式,而這是民族所沒有的。

        國家是一個文化的代理者,透過這個代理者,這些的再公式化是一致的,主要是它的組織方式。

        革命有很深的根與很長的傳統,國家組成再這個革命中組成自己,並且也尋找組成我們。

       

        定位:

        作者再這篇文章中,揭示了國家的組成是與文化革命密不可分的,國家藉由文化革命讓力量道德化和規範化,國家的組成也是隨著文化革命的結果不斷的改變,國家本身就是一個文化概念,而國家就是這個文化概念的呈現。

 

 

The summary of "The Great Arch"

 

A. Introduction:

1. Social theory has long acknowledged some some connectionbetween state formation and the rise of modern capitalism, both in generalterms and in the specific case of England: that is the empirical focus in thisbook.

2. That the triumph of modern capitalist civilization involved awholesale cultural revolution too- a revolution as much in the way the worldwas made sense of as in how goods were produced and exchanged- is also widelyrecognized, whether in sociological, Marxist of feminist literature.

3. State formation play a major role in orchestrating thisconstitutive regulation, both by what it is and by what it does.

4. What this book attempt is to grasp state forms culturally andcultural forms as state-regulated.

5. They insist that state formation itself is cultural revolution.

6. The repertoire of activities and institutions conventionallyidentified as 'the State' are cultural forms, and cultural forms, moreover, ofparticular centrality to bourgeois civilization.

7. What counts as 'politics' evidently receives much of its definitionfrom the institutions of state through which it is organized, so that, forinstance, the distinction between 'political' and 'industrial' strikes becomessecond nature within our culture.

 

8. Fundamental social classification, like age and gender, areenshrined in law, embedded in institutions, routinized in administrative proceduresand symbolized in rituals of state.

 

9. State formation is a totalizing project, representing people asmembers of a particular community - an 'illusory community'.

10. Nationality, conversely, allows categorization of 'others' -within as well as without- as 'alien'.

 

11. As Foucault has observed, state formation equallyindividualizes people in quite definite and specific way.

 

12. Collective representations - ways in which we are collectivelyrepresented to ourselves and in which, and in which 'permissible' parametersand forms of individual identity are defined and symbolized for us- aresimultaneously descriptive and moral.

 

13. The authors were dealing with social individuals, inparticular, historically constructed relations. This has two implicationsmissing from Durkheim's account:

(1) The conscience in question is always that of a dominant class,gender, race, delineating and idealizing its conditions of rule, in the finalanalysis as rules of individual conduct.

(2) Making this conscience genuinely collective is always anaccomplishment, a struggle, against other ways of seeing, other moralities,which express the historical experiences of the dominated.

 

14. Two particular clarifications - notices of areasinsufficiently discussed, but nonetheless highly pertinent to the themes of theauthors:

(1) This book deals with English state formation in England.

(2) The state formation sketched was and is more generallydifferentiated in its 'design' , considered from above, and its 'meaning' -experience - considered from below.

 

B. 'A remarkably Centralized Country' : State formation inMedieval England

 

1.The peculiarity of English state formation:

(1) England was a truly unified state much earlier than any othercontinental kingdom.

(2) The central state capacity in England was from the start basedupon a high degree of involvement of local ruling elites in the exercise ofgovernance.

The 'political nation' was an extremely small proportion of theEnglish people as a whole.

(3) The peculiar flexibility of English state forms.

 

2. One important index of the central capability of theAnglo-Saxon state was its ability to tax.

 

3. There are two points about this inquiry which need toparticular emphasis.

(1) It establishes that royal property differs in quality from anyother.

(2) The making of such inquiries also challenged alternativenotions of legitimacy : not just customary right since 'time immemorial', butequally warrant by the sword.

 

4. Legal power is related directly to language use:

(1) because some forms of words have to be used through therestricted code of the later - Latin, law French, precise and arcane forms ofwrit and plea- was a persistent means of rule and area of cultural struggleover the centuries.

(2) because many words came to be legally defined, by both statuteand case law.

 

5. The establishment and transformation, through the centuries, of'private rights', and wider connection of state formation and theindividualization of social relationships, will be central themes of this book.

 

6. Equally, however, this centralized system continued to dependupon local opinion and involvement.

 

7. In both these cases a much more general features of stateformation is evident, exactly as it is in the 'representative' claims andpractices of Parliament.

 

8. They would still argue that by the end of the middle agesinstitutional forms and political traditions had been constructed in Englandwhich made it singular in important respects, and which were to server asresources in the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century revolutions.

 

9. This culture cannot be divorced from the process of stateformation.

 

C. 'The Realm of England is an Empire' : The Revolution of the1530s

 

1.Nationalization , and Erastianization , of the Church - thedecisive shift from its being the Church in england, archiepiscopal provincesof the Universal Church of Rome, to the Church of England, under the supremacyof the Crown.

2. The royal supremacy gave the Crown both greatly extendedoppprtunities for patronage(保護人身分), andcontrol over what was at the time the most extensive apparatus(儀器)of propaganda傳道總會 (the pulpit講道壇)and moral regulation (the Church court) in the land.

 

3. The seed of the notion of England as an election nation arepresent in the officially inspired or sanctioned propaganda of the 1530sthemselves.

 

4. The final feature of Eltons thesus we do wish tofocus on is his view of the kind of sovereignty being constructed in England inthe 1530s, and its implications for the two institutions we highlighted intheir discussion of the medieval period - Parliament and the law.

 

5. This is important, for several reasons:

(1) it to our mind at least convincingly demolishes any thoughtthat Henry III was attempting to construct a personal desposition.

(2) The prestige, authority and centrality of Parliament itselfwere greatly strengthened by its role in the revolution.

 

D. An Elect Nation: The Elizabethan Consolidation

 

1. By 1593 a Bill could pass Parliament imposing on Protestantnonconformists (非英國國教者) penalities similar to those for recusants.In part this was because the radical Puritans lost support in high places:there is clear evidence that erstwhile (以前的)sympathizers feared the politiccal implications of full-blooded Protestantredicalism. But it was equally a consequence of the successful self-definition,in the course of reign, of the Anglican Church itself, and its association withthe nation state. It seemed the living embodiment of England as the electnation, the defeat of the Armada being the ultimate sign of Gods favour.

 

2. State formation was itself shifting the basis of aristocraticpower from manred (扶手繩) to political influenceand office.

 

3. One significant addition was witchcraft:

(1) It exemplifies the case made earlier for the ideological roleof Christianity during this period. The key shift is the increased concern ofthe emergent and religiously sanctioned nation state with peoples belief.

(2) Witchcraft was overwhelmingly a  female crime. It thus further exemplfies thatt structuring bygender of society and its self-images through state routines.

 

E, Mortall God Enthroned: One Bourgeois REvolution (of Many)

 

1. The origins of the Civil War, and the question of itsconnection with wider social and economic changes - in particular, the rise ofcapitalism - have been the topic of perennial(長期的)debate.

2. This measure effectively gave landlore absolute, modern,property rights: their land became a commodity which could be freely bought,sold, mortaged(抵押).

3. The notion of  abourgeois revolution suggests a momentary(瞬間)rupture(斷裂), a defined and dated event, in whichpolitical power visibly changes class hands.

 

F. From Theatre to Machine: Old Corruption

 

1.Financial  andadministrative support of military and naval forces is central.

 

2. The particullar state formation, in its institutions and itsimagery, was one of focus or embodiment of the actual moral relations  through which, in England, capitalisttransformation historically proceeded.

 

3. The authors thought the theatrical, ritualized, performedfeatures of these state forms must be emphasized for two further reasons:

(1) In providing a reprtoire(節目) ofcollective representations, a particular moral order is being made. This moralorder is a material constituent of the consolidation of men of property, andprovides the code for the subsequent moralization of others.

(2) The theatricality was a pervasive metaphor in the crucialcivic philosophy and sociological theorizing of the Scottish Moral  Philosophers.

 

G. The Working Class Question : Society and society

 

1. State formation and cultural regulation reach a frenzy(狂暴)during the years of what we can without exaggeration call the English terror,when the working class was a hammered and machined into acceptable relations.

 

2.

(1) Scoiety - comprising men of property - is extended, reformed,kept flexibly open ; it enlarges itself, shifts and inflect (彎曲)its voice , founds and celebrates a middle class

(2) The working class is resistingly involved in its own beingmade.

(3) forms of rule - feathures of state formation - are equallymade and making.

 

3. Democracy arises precisely in that complex moment when Societyrecognizes society and in that recognition attempts the dis- and re-organizesof the latter. It marks a transition from the the political nation to thenation. The grand metaphor of the contitution serves to handle this transitionand the resulting theory and practice of representation handles the moremassive contradiction surrrounding the moral individualization of labour.

 

4. The cultural revolution which we see state formation asentailing is well illustrated in the forms of state regulation and provisioncentering upon the slow, protracted(拖延), complex acculturationwhich francise(公民權) reform, party formation, and all ofofficial politics involved.

 

H. Epilogue : There Is, Above All, an Agency

 

I. Afterthoughts

1. Cultural revolution is not merely an ideational matter, andcannot be considered independently of the materiality of state formation - whatstate agencies are, how they act, and on whom.

 

2.The particular set of cultrual images was fundamental to thecinstruction of English capitalist civilization, in a number ways.

(1) They were integral to the making of the English ruling classitself - from the mid-sixteenth century, if not before, a classincreasingly  capitalist in substance,if some ways distinctively aristocratic in style. In Weberian term, in Englanda rationalizing state continued to be legitimated by primarily traditionalforms of authority : the power of symbol, ritual, custom, routine, ways inwhich things have always been done, in which the very bizarreness and anachronism(時代錯誤)of the forms is its own legitimation, protecting them from rational scrutiny(詳細審查).

(2) This set of cultural images provided the moral energy forEnglish imperialism : the successive(連續) imposition(強迫接受)of English civilization on the dark corners of England itself, Wales, Scotland,Ireland and eventually that British empire which covered a quarter of theglobe.

(3) Those same cultural forms were key forms of rule as muchwithin  the nation as without.

 

3. The State - the nation made manifest- is the material agencythrough which this reformulation is concerted(一致); notits source, that lies in relations of production and reproduction, but thecentral means of its organization.

 

4. The State symbolizes the nation; particularly so, they wouldargue where conceptions ofn ational identity are so closely bound up withhistory of state formation. Its symbols and rituals come to stand for,represent, that which demarcates us, set us apart and makes us what we are.

 

5. The revolution too has deep roots and long traditions, in allthat state formation has organized itself, and sought to organize us, against.There is more to do than look back in anger. Imagine.